`This excellent collection of essays provides a highly knowledgeable and insightful overview of current knowledge in the sub-field of elections and voting in the world's democracies. Coherent in organization and wide-ranging in content and perspective, this is a book that should be read by anyone interested in political science.' - Anthony Mughan, The Ohio State University In this major new edition the world's leading international scholars have again produced an indispensable guide and up-to-date review of the whole field. Each of the chapters (the majority of which are completely new) provide a broad theoretical and comparative understanding of all the key topics, making this essential reading for students and lecturers of elections and voting behavior, comparative politics, parties, and democracy.
The first edition of Comparing Democracies was a landmark text, providing students with a thematic introduction to the global study of elections and voting. In this major new edition the world's leading international scholars have again produced an indispensable guide and up-to-date review of the whole field. Each of the chapters (the majority of which are completely new) provide a broad theoretical and comparative understanding of all the key topics associated with the elections including electoral and party systems, voter choice and turnout, campaign communications, and the new politics of direct democracy. This Second Edition will remain essential reading for students and lecturers of elections and voting behaviour, comparative politics, parties, and democracy.
The benchmark first and second editions of Comparing Democracies represented essential guides to the global study of elections. Reflecting recent developments in the field, this timely third edition gives an indispensable state-of-the art review of the whole field from the world's leading international scholars. With a completely new thematic introduction which explores how democracy is built and sustained, thoroughly updated chapters (many of which are also new) , the third edition provides a theoretical and comparative understanding of the major topics related to elections and introduces important work on key new areas. Comparing Democracies, third edition will remain a must-read for students and lecturers of elections and voting behaviour, comparative politics, parties, and democracy. Contents: Introduction: Building and Sustaining Democracy Lawrence LeDuc, Richard G. Niemi, and Pippa Norris PART I: ELECTORAL INSTITUTIONS AND PROCESSES Electoral Systems and Election Management Elisabeth Carter and David M. Farrell Political Parties and Party Systems Susan E. Scarrow Party and Campaign Finance Ingrid van Biezen Election Campaigns Christopher Wlezien Campaign Communications and Media Claes H. de Vreese PART II: PUBLIC OPINION AND VOTING Ideology, Partisanship and Democratic Development Russell J. Dalton Political Participation André Blais Elections and the Economy Timothy Hellwig Women and Elections Marian Sawer Conclusion The Consequences of Elections G. Bingham Powell
"Comparative Politics" provides a comprehensive introduction to political systems around the world. It covers methods and theories; the nation-state; institutions; actors and processes; policies; and recent changes.
Authoritarianism research has evolved into one of the fastest growing research fields in comparative politics. The newly awakened interest in autocratic regimes goes hand in hand with a lack of systematic research on the results of the political and substantive policy performance of variants of autocratic regimes. The contributions in this second volume of Comparing Autocracies are united by the assumption that the performance of political regimes and their persistence are related. Furthermore, autocratic institutions and the specific configurations of elite actors within authoritarian regime coalitions induce dictators to undertake certain policies, and that different authoritarian institutions are therefore an important piece of the puzzle of government performance in dictatorships. Based on these two prepositions, the contributions explore the differences between autocracies and democracies, as well as between different forms of non-democratic regimes, in regard to their outcome performance in selected policy fields; how political institutions affect autocratic performance and persistence; whether policy performance matter for the persistence of authoritarian rule; and what happens to dictators once autocratic regimes fall. This book is an amalgam of articles from the journals Democratization, Contemporary Politics and Politische Vierteljahresschrift.
Voters today often desert a preferred candidate for a more viable second choice to avoid wasting their vote. Likewise, parties to a dispute often find themselves unable to agree on a fair division of contested goods. In Mathematics and Democracy, Steven Brams, a leading authority in the use of mathematics to design decision-making processes, shows how social-choice and game theory could make political and social institutions more democratic. Using mathematical analysis, he develops rigorous new procedures that enable voters to better express themselves and that allow disputants to divide goods more fairly. One of the procedures that Brams proposes is "approval voting," which allows voters to vote for as many candidates as they like or consider acceptable. There is no ranking, and the candidate with the most votes wins. The voter no longer has to consider whether a vote for a preferred but less popular candidate might be wasted. In the same vein, Brams puts forward new, more equitable procedures for resolving disputes over divisible and indivisible goods.
Essay from the year 2014 in the subject Politics - International Politics - General and Theories, grade: 10 (System NL) = 1.0, Tilburg University, language: English, abstract: Democracy is defined as “government by the people”. It grants equality and freedoms to all citizens and the fact that a stable democracy is one of the Copenhagen Criteria required by the EU from possible accession candidates shows the agreement and broad acceptance of democracy as the most just form of government we currently can think of. Democracy stands out through the freedom and the possibility to actively engage in politics which it grants to all citizens. But this generosity comes with a price: Besides fostering the political dialogue it also gives space and opportunity to extreme and even anti-democratic powers which might misuse their rights granted by the system to actually abolish the same. Do we have to accept this misuse as a side effect of democratic freedom or should we draw a line somewhere? Do we maybe even have a responsibility to protect our system? The struggle between a solution to effectively protect the democratic system from misusing powers and the danger to actually undermine it ourselves by limiting the personal freedoms and rights which are at the core of it, is centralized in the ongoing debate about the idea of a “defensive democracy”. The question on how much freedom a democracy can bear and how much security it needs is no recent dispute and certainly a perpetual one. But with an eye on the current rise of right-wing parties in many European countries, the importance and pertinence of the discussion becomes clear. In this paper I want to depict the concept of “defensive democracy” by comparing the examples of Germany and Turkey, both states with existing safety provisions in their constitutions. I will start with outlining the historical background of the current arrangements and a description of relevant cases of the past for each of them. I will furthermore compare the two approaches and finally end with a personal evaluation of the justification of bereaving individuals of their democratic freedoms in order to protect those rights for everyone else.